Guwahati  
 
logo
  Guwahati,
North East »» Manipur, Mizoram governments to honour Everesters•••State »» Team of Bar Council of India visit DU•••Construction of four toilet blocks at Bordubi•••International Biodiversity Day observed •••National »» Bollywood goes overboard with Cannes fashion?•••Amar Singh cuts sorry figure at PM residence•••Dalai Lama’s website to go Hindi•••International »» Obesity in children linked to parents’ marital status•••China hasn’t used Pakistan against India•••Indian–origin boy wins 2013 National Geographic contest•••    
  Home » Multilingual » English News
Hindi News Bangla News Bodo News
    Dated : Saturday, September 08, 2012
 

Rosemary's mission: Political power to Naga women

Rosemary Dzuvichu works tirelessly to change the debate regarding gender roles in the Northeastern State of Nagaland, especially when it comes to bringing out their political voice

Ninglun Hangal

Rosemary Dzuvichu (50) wears many hats with elan. She is advisor to the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), an apex body of women in the State; she teaches literature at Nagaland University; and she is actively involved with organizations working on human rights and political empowerment. Earlier, this single mother of three became the first woman General Secretary of the Lhisema Khel Council, a local administrative body, and she has even had a successful stint as President of the Kohima District Mahila Congress, which drafted its first-ever party manifesto on women during her tenure.

In a State ravaged by violence and where women traditionally do not enjoy equal status with men, Rosemary has not only managed to create an independent identity for herself, she is also fighting for the rights of others. These days, she has joined hands with the NMA to ensure women get their rightful place in the electoral politics of the state. They are fervently working towards implementing the 33 per cent reservation for women in local governing bodies and the assembly, even though the move has been opposed by various tribal apex bodies.

Being politically active and speaking up for thousands of voiceless Naga women is something Rosemary has learnt from the women in her family. Although she grew up in a secure environment, enjoying Hans Andersen’s fairy tales and local folk stories as well as writing poetry, she was well aware of the turmoil that was taking place around her. Living a few metres away from an army camp in Kohima, firing between the Armed Forces and underground Naga groups was a part of everyday life. With everyone from her grandmother to her mother involved in the political uprising, it was hard not to get involved. “During those peak years of militancy during the 1950s and 1960s, the Naga movement for sovereignty and self determination was very strong. Any non-sympathiser was instantly ostracised,” she recalls. State oppression “left a deep imprint” on youngsters like Rosemary, who grew up harbouring feelings of alienation. Even today she has great reservations about interacting with army personnel.

An early influence on her life was her grandmother, Zeliezhu, who was one of the first women leaders of the underground Naga National Council (NNC). The passing years have meant that Rosemary only remembers her grandmother “vaguely”, but her mother, Alhouu Albina made sure to talk to the children about the senior woman’s tough character and staunch beliefs. Her mother was her other idol. “I learnt a lot from her. She was the first woman member of the local council and the Naga People’s Front (NPF) party,” says Rosemary.

While the resistance movement influenced her early life – her father led a number of operations against the army as the then secretary to General Thongti of the NNC – once the underground movement leaders decided to directly engage in talks after the Indo-Naga war of the 1950s, it was peace-time activities like going to church and doing social service that marked people’s lives. Politics, however, did not take a backseat even then for Rosemary, as the family home continued to be frequented by powerful Naga leaders like A.Z. Phizo, founder leader of the NNC, and others.

Despite the freedom she was given in her own home, Rosemary realized very early in life that traditional Naga society expected women to tow the line and play second fiddle to the men. She belonged to the upper strata of society, got the best of education and was given the option to choose her own career, but she was also constantly reminded about behaving like a typical Naga girl, “which meant washing our brother’s clothes, cooking, weaving and respecting all the elders”.

Political and social activism stayed with Rosemary even after she got married and had her three children. Eventually her 11-year-old marriage broke down as she refused to give up her work to become the perfect wife. “It was my traumatic divorce that taught me to stand up for women’s rights and speak for those who dare not talk about their problems,” she says.

After she filed for divorce, Rosemary faced many challenges – she was called names, discriminated against and even banished for a while from polite society. But today she seems to have overcome those odds and has emerged as a prominent women’s rights activist in her state. “I know I could not have managed to do half the things I have done, had I still been married,” she says.

Today, in a bid to attain equality for Naga women, at least where their political representation is concerned, Rosemary and the NMA are rooting for 33 per cent reservation in local governing bodies and the State assembly. Last year, her team, under the aegis of the NMA, filed a writ petition at the Kohima bench of the Guwahati High Court, asking the court to direct the State of Nagaland, State Election Commission and Urban Commissioner to immediately hold elections for municipal and town councils throughout Nagaland with a third of the seats being reserved for women in accordance with Article 243 T (3) of the Constitution of India and Section 23 A of the Nagaland Municipal (First Amendment) Act 2006.

This step was also taken in the hope that the cabinet’s decision to indefinitely postpone the elections of the municipal councils and town councils, which were originally scheduled for January-February 2010, would be overturned.

In October 2011, Justices Goswami and Indira Shah directed the State Election Commission to hold civic polls on or before January 2012 pronouncing that “the reasons cited in the cabinet decision does not amount to exceptional circumstances for postponement of election and cannot be sustained”.

Objecting to this judgment, state officials subsequently filed an affidavit and petitioned for an extension to implement the court order. Citing the memorandum received from tribal apex bodies such as the Naga Hoho and the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization, which objected to the move, the State maintained that if elections were held – and if women were to contest – it would not only lead to severe law and order problems but would also disturb the ongoing peace process between the government and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN).

Of course, while Rosemary and her NMA team are disappointed at the outcome, they maintain that traditional tribal bodies are like all-male clubs where women are deliberately kept out to ensure that they have no real say in their social and political environment. Calling the position of Naga women in politics “an absolute shame”, they hope to continue with their mission until women make it to local governing bodies as well as the state assembly.

For now, Rosemary is willing to be the lone female participant at meetings that deliberate on the peace process in the state. She was part of the first Naga Peace Consultation held in 2004 at Camp Hebron, the headquarters of the NSCN somewhere in east Nagaland, where she spoke “face to face with Th. Muivah suggesting concrete steps to achieve long-lasting peace in the region”. But she has every hope that other Naga women will soon take the centre stage and help to decide the destiny of their state.

(Women’s Feature Service)

 

Traumatic childhood may up risk of drug addiction

Traumatic upbringing during childhood may lead to impulsive and compulsive behaviours in adulthood, which in turn may increase risk of becoming addicted to drugs, according to a new research from the University of Cambridge.

Led by Dr Karen Ersche, the Cambridge researchers aimed to identify risk factors that make a person vulnerable to developing drug dependence.

They examined 50 adults with cocaine dependence together with their biological brothers and sisters who have never abused drugs. All participants underwent extensive assessments of their personalities, including their ways of feeling and thinking.

The researchers were also interested in negative experiences that participants may have had during childhood (to include physical, emotional or sexual abuse).

“It has long been known that abusive experiences during childhood have long-lasting effects on behaviour in adulthood and this was confirmed by our results. The siblings had more troubled childhoods compared to healthy peers in the community, and we also found a direct relationship between traumatic childhoods and their personalities,” said Dr Ersche, of the Behavioural and Clinical Neuroscience Institute (BCNI) at the University of Cambridge. “This relationship is interesting because impulsive personality traits are known to increase the risk of becoming addicted to drugs but it is not an excuse for drug-taking,” she added.

The childhoods of the brothers and sisters of the cocaine-dependent individuals were also traumatic, and they also exhibited higher-than-normal levels of impulsive and compulsive behaviours, but they did not abuse drugs.

The researchers next intend to explore how the siblings who do not abuse drugs managed to deal with their traumatic childhoods and their highly impulsive and compulsive personalities.

The scientists want to understand what makes the siblings resilient against addiction. A better understanding of what protected the brothers and sisters from drug abuse may provide vital clues for developing more effective therapeutic interventions for those trying to beat their addiction.

“Not all individuals with these personality traits would have had a traumatic upbringing. Nor does everyone with these traits develop an addiction. However, our findings show that some people are particularly at risk and their upbringing may have contributed to it,” Dr Ersche added. (Agencies)

 

Meira Paibis remember the day of their protest

On July 15, 2004, a group of phanek (sarong) clad Meitei women marched up to the Assam Rifles headquarters in Imphal, Manipur, to protest against the alleged rape and killing of Thangjam Manorama Devi. Standing outside the historic Kangla Fort, these 20-odd women did the unthinkable - they stripped naked in full public view. Twenty-four hours later, when footage of this protest reached the television studios of New Delhi, the nation watched in shock. What was it that led the Meitei women to take such an extreme step to be heard? In this excerpt from Beautiful Country - Stories From Another India by Syeda Hameed and Gunjan Veda, discover what really happened that day from the women who led this protest.

Gunjan Veda: 15 July, 2004. A group of phanek (sarong) clad Meitei women, in heir thirties, forties, even sixties, marched up to the Assam Rifles headquarters in Imphal to protest against the alleged rape and killing of thirty-two-year-old Thangjam Manorama Devi. Their anger was evident in the slogans they were shouting; these were soon picked up and repeated by people on the streets who had stopped to make way for them. Standing in front of the gates of the historic Kangla Fort, these twenty-odd women did the unthinkable - they stripped naked in full public view before the sign which read - ‘The Assam Rifles’.

It had been exactly one month since the killing of Manorama. The streets of Manipur’s capital were deserted. “It has been this way ever since her killing,” said Esther Chinnu Haokip, a Kuki woman of average build with short cropped hair. She had come to collect me from the Tulihal Airport and take me to my hotel in the main market area. “Not that bandhs (strikes) or curfews are new here. We have one every few weeks. But this time it has been going on for too long. The people are really angry. They don’t care if Manorama was an insurgent, she was a woman and no one had a right to violate or kill her,” she explained.

Ramani Devi, an elderly Meitei woman with a grandmotherly face, did not speak a word of Hindi. She was the secretary of the All-Manipur Women’s Social Reformation and Development Samaj. Through Shubhra who acted as my translator, she told me about the Meira Paibi movement. “In the 1970s, consumption of alcohol was at an all-time high resulting in serious violence against women. So the imas came together under Mamon Devi and, in April 1975, the Nishabandi Movement was launched. After a day of back-breaking work, the women would take turns to stay up all night and keep vigil. The movement was successful,” said Ramani Devi.

Taruni Devi, another Meira Paibi with a smiling, finely-lined face, continued the tale. “Then, in the late 1970s, atrocities by the security forces escalated. Young boys would be picked up at night and beaten mercilessly. It was 29 December, 1980. After a blast, the police came to pick up a boy named Ibomcha. We got together and stopped the arrest. That day, the Meira Paibi Movement was born. It has not been easy but today we have 2,500 clubs and associations across Manipur.”

The women told me that much has changed since the early days. Now the people respected them and came to them for solving social disputes. Every married woman automatically became a member of the Meira Paibi Association of her area. “And we no longer have to stay up all night. If there is a problem, a woman has only to ring the lamp post of her locality and every Meira Paibi will come out,” said Taruni, who had left her home many years ago to strengthen the movement.

While the history of the movement helped me understand the women of Manipur better, I still wanted to discuss the events of 15 July.

“Ima, it is about 15 July. What happened that day?” Shubra asked Ima Taruni on my behalf.

“It was not an easy decision. In Manipur, a married woman does not even take off her shawl in front of others. But our hearts were bleeding. We had suffered enough. On the night of 14 July, we met and decided to do something drastic to make the authorities take notice. The next morning, two hundred women were to meet at Sinjamai but when I went there, not a soul was present. They had been dispersed by the army. That was the final straw. I began marching to Kangla along with a group of Meira Paibis. The men and some journalists asked us what we wanted to do but we just told them to follow at a distance and not get in our way. You have already seen the rest of the story,” she said with tears in her eyes.

“Since that day, we have been called many names. People have called us shameless and our men folk were furious, but tell me, what choice did we have? Here we are stripped of our dignity every day,” Ima Ramani added, putting a comforting hand on her colleague’s shoulder. Suddenly, there was a commotion outside. A young boy in his twenties came running in and screamed something in Meiteilon (the Meitei language). The expression of the Meira Paibis changed. A few shrieked. Ima Trauni and Ima Ramani scrambled to their feet, anger evident on their faces.

“What has happened?” I asked a visibly shocked Shubhra.

“A young boy has committed self-immolation in protest against the AFSPA. They have taken him to the hospital but his condition is very critical. He was just 28,” she explained and broke down. Ima Ramani spoke to Shubhra. Nodding her head, Shubhra turned to me. “We should leave now. The police have imposed curfew and the protestors are defying it in anger. Things can turn very violent.” So we hurried to my hotel and switched on the television set. I watched in shock as the news channels relayed the entire immolation attempt of Pebam Chittaranjan. And suddenly, I was angry, angry at the State for allowing this to happen; angry at the security forces for driving youth to such extremes and most importantly, angry at the policemen and the cameramen who watched in silence as a youth was burning. They had done nothing to save him.

I left Imphal the next morning through back lanes with a placard on the taxi; ‘Sick’, it said. It happened to be the truth. I was sick... at heart.

(Women’s Feature Service)

 

How a steady job can benefit diabetics

For people who are diabetic or prone to diabetes, having a steady job appears to be good for their health.

And the benefit lies in their adherence to anti-diabetic medications, and not just because of the insurance coverage, according to a new University of Michigan study.

It found that that jobless working-age people with diabetes are less likely to adhere to their oral anti-diabetic medications than diabetics who are employed.

Further, people of working age with diabetes are more likely to be unemployed than those who do not have diabetes.

The lack of a clear-cut, cause-and-effect relationship between insurance and medication adherence surprised lead researcher Rajesh Balkrishnan of the U-M College of Pharmacy and School of Public Health.

“Improved use of medications is more than just a facet of having medical insurance. It is linked to bigger issues such as being employed, periods of joblessness or a personal financial strain,” said Balkrishnan, who believes that a healthier, active lifestyle and access to medical care resources through employers that want employees to remain productive play a big role in adherence.

Other factors that account for lack of medication adherence include lack of financial resources, stress due to unemployment and lack of access to health care.

Researchers looked at diabetes because it is one of the most commonly present chronic conditions in working-age adults in the United States, and globally it is the seventh-leading cause of death and the eighth-most costly disease to treat, Balkrishnan said. (Agencies)

 
Hindi News Bangla News Bodo News
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
The difference between stupidity and genius is that genius has its limits
— Albert Einsten
 
Home  |  Guwahati City  |  Editorial  |  International  |  National  |  Business  |  Arunachal  |  Meghalaya   |  Northeast  |  State  |  Cachar  |  Sports   |  Local Sports
 Archive  |  Melange  |  Saturday Fare  |  Junior Sentinel  |  Multilingual  |  About Us  |  Contact Us  |  Advertise with us  |  Dongmusa