Assamese Identity and ‘othering’ of sub-groups

Swakkhyar Deka

(The author can be reached at swakkhyar@gmail.com)

The Assamese identity needs to be redefined and revaluated in view of the changing times. Why the greater Assamese identity has shrunk and why sub-nationalism of various communities and ethnic tribal population has taken precedence, needs serious introspection. In view of the last State Cabinet resolution of requesting the Government of India to give protection to the Assamese language as the State language of Assam, excluding the Barak Valley, BTAD area and Hill districts by amending Article 345 of Constitution, the shrinking of Assamese identity in the whole of the state may be pondered over.

As a State’s identity is shaped by the language spoken there by majority of its population, the depleting Assamese speakers in Assam is a cause for worry. According to the language data in the Census 2011, Assam recorded a decline in the percentage of Assamese, Bodo, Rabha, and Santali speakers during the previous decade.

On the other hand, in 2001 the speakers of Bengali language in Assam was 27.54 per cent and it increased to 29.91 per cent in 2011. Likewise, the percentage of the Hindi-speaking populace was 5.89 in 2001 and it increased to 6.73 in 2011.

It is important to discuss as to who constitutes the Assamese population. Assamese population does not necessarily mean caste Hindu alone. In fact, the Assamese culture is the result of a continuous process of socio-cultural fusion among diverse linguistic and ethnic traits for centuries.

Most of these tribal communities have been assimilating with the greater Assamese nationality. They adopted the Assamese language to read and write and in their day-to-day life even have identified themselves as Assamese through a process of assimilation where the Vaisnavite culture also played a part. But after a few decades of independence a section of tribal leaders became conscious about the rejuvenation of their ethnic identity.

The socio-political and economic aspirations of this tribal population in the state were increasingly frustrated as they felt that dominant caste Hindu Assamese middle-class elites, who conquered the ruling power of the State, started to establish Aryanized Assamese socio-cultural and linguistic hegemony.

Though the tribal belts and blocks had been created by the Government of Assam after the independence for the protection of the tribal lands, the lands in these areas were encroached upon by the non-tribal people, creating a challenge for the tribal people to protect their land rights. Ethnic clashes in different areas of Assam resulted due to this.

The social and economic backwardness is an important factor behind the emergence of the tribal ethnic nationalism in Assam. As per the Census report of 2011 the literacy rate among the Schedule Tribe peoples are only 61.8 per cent as against the general literacy rate of 72.19 per cent in the State. Moreover, as per the Census Report 2011, there is only 43.9% working population among the Schedule Tribe people of the State. The non-working people’s percentage is 56 per cent among the Schedule Tribe people (Source: Office of the Directorate of Census, Guwahati, Assam).

People of diverse socio-cultural background and different ethnicities came to Assam during different phases of history and they have contributed towards the creation of the composite Assamese culture. The term ‘Axomiya’, however, very specifically mean those people who have accepted Axomiya as their mother tongue.

Therefore, ‘Axomiya’ encompasses the indigenous tribals, migrated Muslims, Assamese Hindus, immigrant population from mainland Indian states like Marwari and Bihari families who have accepted the Axomiya language as their mother tongue.

It is important to note here that identity politics has assumed the centre stage in the discourse of groups involved in contemporary conflict, and self-consciousness is a crucial factor for emergence of an ethnic identity.

In fact identities are under constant definition and redefinition, especially during the time of conflict. Once an ethnic ‘Assamese’ have now become an ethnic ‘Bodo as a result of cultural and structural reasons of conflict in the society. Today the consolidated meaning of the term ‘Assamese’ is facing erosion and as a result the state is facing ethnic conflicts. Sankardeva played a major part through his Neo Vaishnavism in forging a deeper tie and breaking social divides.

In Assam, the Tribal ethnic groups have enormously contributed to the growth of Assamese nationality. Therefore, it is necessary to protect and nourish the cultural and ethnic identity of these small tribal communities. In a heterogeneous society, protection of diversity is a necessity through which unity can be achieved. Apart from autonomous administrative systems, effective monitoring and transparent implementation mechanism of various government schemes are prerequisites for achieving holistic development of tribal communities in the State.

The 1980s witnessed a mass movement in Assam led by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), and the Gana Sangram Parishad for the detection and eviction of foreign nationals from the state and the granting of greater autonomy. This movement was supported by a majority Bodo youths, who worked along with the AASU. The movement came to an end after the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985. Subsequent elections enabled the erstwhile AASU leaders to form the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and formed the government in the State. The AGP government raised the hopes of the tribes, especially the Bodos for the fulfilment of their long-standing demands.

But soon, the Bodos were anguished with a sense of discrimination and neglect when in 1986 the Board of Secondary Education, Assam (SEBA) notified Assamese as a compulsory language in all schools. The alleged policy of assimilation by imposing Assamese language upon the tribal people has been termed by plain tribes, especially the Bodos, as a conspiracy to swallow them. The All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) later on spearheaded a movement for separate Bodoland as a result of identity consciousness and a sense of relative deprivation.

By asserting national and ethnic identities, the Assam agitation had also prepared the ground for the rise of militancy in Assam in the form of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). The birth of the ULFA showed the way for other ethnic groups to float their own militant outfits to realize their demands.

Subsequently, militant organizations like the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), the Dimasa Halim Deogah (DHD) came up in the state. Though initially, many of these organizations maintained close relations with the communities they claimed to represent, later on they lost track of their main objectives and strayed into isolation.

From the start of 1980s towards the late 1990s, Assam underwent a tumultuous period of armed conflict and violence. The armed conflict has important direct and indirect consequences on society. The vicious cycle of conflict and underdevelopment leading to unemployment and vice versa must be checked through sustained efforts of peace building and by reaching out to marginalized sections. As the mainstream Assamese speaking population held sway over the ruling dispensation in the state for a long time and also took an upper position in social hierarchy, they must also shoulder the responsibility of undoing the wrongs meted out to tribals and indigenous groups.

The socio-political alienation and ‘othering’ of these sections led to the fragmentation of greater Assamese society. Now, perhaps more than ever, inclusivity is needed to sustain the basic idea of ‘Assamese’ as a collective identity.