Between legacy and renewal: The RSS at 100

Pallab Bhattacharyya

(Pallab Bhattacharyya is a former director-general of police, Special Branch and erstwhile Chairman, APSC. Views expressed by him is personal. He can be reached at pallab1959@hotmail.com)

The centenary celebrations of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have rekindled an old debate, one that was reignited by historian Mridula Mukherjee’s candid interview with The Wire. In her remarks, she questioned the organisation’s absence from India’s freedom struggle, citing archival evidence that the RSS consciously kept itself aloof from anti-British movements, including the Quit India Movement of 1942. British Home Department records confirm that the RSS was instructed to “stay within the law” and not participate in political agitation. For many, this detachment undermines contemporary claims that the RSS was part of the nationalist cause, even if individual members like K.B. Hedgewar personally sympathized with it. The ideological roots of the organization, too, trace back to V.D. Savarkar’s Hindutva and B.S. Moonje’s admiration for European nationalist movements of the 1930s—an influence that continues to shape perceptions about its original intent.

A little over one hundred years after its founding in Nagpur in 1925, the RSS has emerged as a force central to India’s socio-political fabric. Its centenary is not merely a commemoration of the past but a statement of endurance and reinvention. Prime Minister Modi’s release of commemorative stamps and coins featuring Bharat Mata marks a symbolic acceptance of the organization into the national mainstream. This transformation is striking when one recalls that the RSS had once refused to hoist the tricolour until 2002, citing ideological objections to what it saw as a Congress symbol. The gesture today reflects both political consolidation and the organization’s ability to adapt to the language of nationalism now dominant in Indian politics.

Critics, however, remain sceptical. International media have often drawn parallels between the RSS’s early ideological inspirations and European fascism. The BBC and several Western academic journals have described it as “opaque” and “majoritarian in spirit,” while controversies over foreign diplomats visiting its headquarters have revived concerns about its historical admiration for authoritarian models. Opposition leaders like Kerala’s Pinarayi Vijayan have accused the government of legitimizing an organization that once rejected the pluralistic essence of the Indian Constitution. The Congress, too, continues to remind the public that RSS members “neither went to jail nor faced the British” during the freedom struggle. Nonetheless, to paint the RSS in monochrome would be to ignore its evolution and social outreach. The organization has, over the decades, built a massive volunteer network that has often risen to the occasion during times of national crisis. From the Odisha cyclone of 1971 and the Andhra Pradesh cyclone of 1977 to the Bhopal gas tragedy and the Gujarat earthquake of 2001, RSS swayamsevaks have been at the forefront of relief and rehabilitation. Their work during the 2004 tsunami and, more recently, the 2025 Punjab floods—where over 1,700 volunteers reached out to 12,000 families – demonstrated impressive organizational discipline and a spirit of service that even critics acknowledge.

The Covid-19 pandemic, perhaps the greatest humanitarian challenge in recent memory, further expanded this reputation. The RSS and its affiliate Sewa Bharati established isolation centres, distributed essential supplies, and organized plasma and oxygen drives across the country. Volunteers ensured that even the last rites of the abandoned were conducted with dignity. Their efforts cut across community lines, often reaching marginalized populations where state machinery struggled to respond. Such actions softened public perceptions and provided a glimpse of an organization capable of empathy and civic responsibility beyond its ideological moorings.

The current leadership, under Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat, appears conscious of this changing image. His centenary speeches emphasized Panch Parivartan—five pillars of transformation focusing on harmony, family, environment, selfhood, and civic duty. Bhagwat’s consistent calls for peaceful coexistence and statements like “no one should feel alienated or discriminated against” signal an attempt to reposition the RSS within the inclusive ideals of the republic. In recent years, he has publicly acknowledged the contributions of Muslims to Indian civilization and urged the need to eliminate caste discrimination within Hindu society. Such pronouncements have led even some long-time critics to admit that the organization is attempting to shed the rigidity of its earlier years.

Examples of minority outreach have become more visible. The RSS has quietly supported educational initiatives involving underprivileged Muslim and tribal children, while participation from minority communities in its social programmes has modestly increased. Vidya Bharati schools, inspired by RSS philosophy, now enrol students from diverse backgrounds, and the focus on “Bharatiya values” has been coupled with welfare schemes rather than sectarian propaganda. These incremental shifts may not yet satisfy those seeking full ideological transformation, but they do indicate a trajectory toward social engagement over dogma.

At the same time, internal and external contradictions persist. The ideological core of the RSS—its belief in India as a fundamentally Hindu nation—remains unchanged, creating tension between its outreach efforts and the political movements inspired by it. For some, this duality represents hypocrisy; for others, it marks a pragmatic recognition of India’s plural reality. What cannot be denied is the organization’s extraordinary ability to evolve while retaining its foundational discipline and cultural mission.

The centenary year thus invites both introspection and balance. An independent observer must recognize that the RSS, though rooted in a contested past, has also contributed to India’s resilience through its vast volunteer network. It has played roles in disaster relief, rural development, and social welfare that few other organizations can match in scale. Simultaneously, the need for transparency and ideological moderation remains pressing, especially in a democracy as diverse as India’s. If the RSS wishes to claim moral leadership in nation-building, it must continue expanding its embrace beyond faith lines, reaffirming its commitment to constitutional values that guarantee liberty, equality, and fraternity.

As India stands at a crossroads of rapid transformation, the story of the RSS is inseparable from that of the nation itself—marked by contestation, reinvention, and enduring faith in collective purpose. The centenary celebrations, then, are more than a tribute to the past; they are a test of the organization’s willingness to adapt its ideals to the inclusive vision of modern India. Whether the RSS ultimately evolves into a unifying force or remains tethered to its ideological origins will determine its place in history.

In the end, the movement’s future may lie in embracing the wisdom of Jyotiprasad Agarwala, the Assamese cultural icon, who once wrote, ‘Rupantorehe mathun jagat dhuniya kore’ (change alone brings progress, and this is my sacred chant). If the RSS truly heeds that message, its second century may yet become a testament not just to its longevity, but to India’s unending capacity for renewal.