Chronicles of Assam since 1979

Prafulla Dowarah

(prafulla_dowarah@yahoo.co.in)

Let us begin with 1979—a pivotal year in Assam’s history—and trace the major political and social developments that have shaped the state since then.

The All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) launched a massive six-year-long movement in 1979, now recognized as one of the world’s most significant student-led agitations. Its core demand was to detect, delete (from electoral rolls), and deport illegal Bangladeshi immigrants—both Hindus and Muslims—who had settled in Assam. This movement garnered overwhelming public support, cutting across class, caste, and community lines. Only a small fraction opposed it, mainly on procedural grounds.

During those turbulent years, life in Assam came to a standstill. The economy stagnated, academic sessions were lost, and law and order deteriorated. The state earned an unfortunate label: the land of “Bandhs and Strikes.” Yet, the public remained resolute. With a single call from AASU, thousands would pour onto the streets. Official records show that 855 lives were lost during the agitation, and countless others were injured or traumatized due to police and army action. Many personal tragedies from that period remain undocumented and forgotten. Now, 45 years later, the memories of that era are fading. The youth of today find it difficult to comprehend the intensity of the movement, and that is natural with the passage of time.

The Assam Movement culminated in the signing of the historic Assam Accord on August 15, 1985, in the presence of then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Following this, the political party Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was formed on October 14, 1985, primarily by former AASU leaders. The AGP came to power twice—in 1985 and 1996—with Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, former AASU president, serving as Chief Minister.

However, the people of Assam were deeply disillusioned with AGP’s performance. The very leaders who had mobilised the public on the promise of protecting indigenous identity seemed to forget their core mission once in power. The promise of detecting and deporting illegal immigrants was sidelined in favour of political convenience and personal gain. During both terms, the AGP failed to bring any substantial change or governance reform. Financial mismanagement, nepotism, and corruption marred their rule.

Meanwhile, another development shook Assam. In April 1979, the insurgent group United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was formed. Initially, they enjoyed some public support, presenting themselves as fighters for Assam’s sovereignty. However, this support quickly eroded as ULFA’s violent methods became apparent. Extortion, kidnappings, and killings became central to their operations. It was also alleged that ULFA operated with tacit support from sections of the AGP government, leading to a series of secret killings targeting political opponents.

The issue of illegal immigration continued to simmer. Almost every political party raised the issue during elections, but it quickly faded from discussion once they assumed power. In the 2014 general elections, the BJP campaigned vigorously on the promise of identifying and expelling illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, stating that after May 16, 2014, they would be forced to leave “bag and baggage.” This powerful promise led to massive electoral support for the party.

In 2016, the BJP came to power in Assam under the slogan “Jati, Mati, Bheti” (identity, land, and roots). The process of updating the National Register of Citizens (NRC), originally created in 1951, began in 2013 following a Supreme Court directive. The final NRC was published on August 31, 2019, but it remains in limbo, unimplemented and politically contentious.

Meanwhile, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) was passed on December 11, 2019, and officially became law in March 2024. This act, aimed at granting citizenship to Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh, directly contradicted the spirit of the Assam Accord. The Assamese people opposed it vehemently, fearing demographic and cultural changes. The Biplab Sharma Committee, formed to address issues arising from Clause 6 of the Accord, submitted its report, and the Home Minister assured Parliament it would be implemented in full. Yet, the report now lies forgotten in cold storage.

Who is responsible for continued infiltration?

1. Government Apathy: The Indo-Bangladesh border remains unfenced in key stretches, despite decades of promises.

2. Security Lapses: The Border Security Force (BSF), under the Ministry of Home Affairs, has failed to stop infiltration effectively, though it rarely faces public scrutiny.

3. Village Defence Parties: Tasked with local surveillance, many such groups failed to alert authorities about illegal settlements in their areas.

4. Forest Department: Often, forest land is illegally occupied and transformed into permanent settlements without intervention.

5. District Administration: Local authorities have not acted decisively to prevent or remove illegal encroachments.

Eviction drives have added another layer of complexity. There are two types:

1.  Eviction of indigenous citizens from government or forest land.

2.  Eviction of suspected Bangladeshis from encroached areas.

Ironically, while illegal settlers are evicted from one place, they (a section of them) are often rehabilitated in another—within Assam itself. This was seen in Kaziranga, Garukhuti, and other regions. Such relocations defeat the purpose of eviction and only shift the problem from one area to another.

The Way Forward

If the Government of India cannot deport illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, it must consider relocating them to other large states such as Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, or Gujarat. Assam cannot continue to bear this burden indefinitely. Failure to address this issue will lead to serious demographic, political, and social consequences.

The people of Assam have waited long enough. The time for political lip service is over. What is needed now is action—rooted in fairness, legality, and a genuine commitment to the promises made decades ago.