Encroachment, eviction and future of Assam’s demographic sovereignty

Dipak Kurmi

(The writer can be reached at dipakkurmiglpltd@gmail.com.)

Assam, the northeastern sentinel of India, has once again become the epicentre of a contentious national debate—this time over widespread encroachments on government and forest lands and the aggressive eviction drives being undertaken by the state administration. The conflict, rooted in decades of unchecked illegal immigration, questionable political patronage, demographic anxiety, and ecological degradation, has taken on renewed urgency under the leadership of Chief Minister Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma. With close to 4.5 lakh families having erected houses illegally on government lands across districts, and thousands owning legal properties elsewhere, the state’s response is becoming both a political flashpoint and a test case in balancing human rights with territorial sovereignty.

According to official records, 447,916 families have settled illegally on government lands in multiple districts of Assam. These numbers are staggering and speak volumes about the scale of land encroachment that has gone largely unchecked for decades. District-specific data reveals that Kamrup (Metro) alone accounts for 47,810 families, while Sivasagar follows with 4,121 families, including 1,142 who already own properties elsewhere. Jorhat has 3,871 encroachers, and Golaghat has 6,549, of which 57 families are double owners. South Salmara reports 749, Charaideo 1,027 (including 440 duplicates), Cachar 43 (15 owning other homes), and Hailakandi 4,209.

The numbers surge further in Kamrup with 19,022, Bongaigaon 12,491 (including 7,468 dual owners), and Dhubri 15,298, which includes 1,165 repeat owners. Other significant figures include Biswanath (11,776 with 310 extra), Bajali (1,160 with 950 dual owners), Lakhimpur (34,437 with 10,576), Hojai (12,722), Sonitpur (8,883 with 120), Morigaon (14,171 with 4,424), Tinsukia (77,810), Majuli (460), Dhemaji (10,321), and Dibrugarh (10,922 with 443 dual owners). The situation in Darrang is particularly worrying, with 62,253 families, of which 23,168 are repeat landowners. Other districts like Sribhumi (448 with 132), Nagaon (9,598 with 6,487), Nalbari (3,459 with 640), Goalpara (31,065 with 5,562), and Barpeta (43,191 with 4,947) also reflect deep-seated issues of dual land possession and illegality.

In response, the state government has invoked the 2019 land policy that allows indigenous landless encroachers to apply for land settlement, provided they meet eligibility criteria. However, for non-indigenous or suspected illegal immigrants—many of Bangladeshi origin—the road ahead is eviction. The state’s assertive stand has triggered a chain of socio-political events, legal battles, media narratives, and community protests.

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has taken an uncompromising stance, affirming that eviction drives will not be halted due to political pressure, legal threats, or orchestrated protests. The government’s next focus includes Uriamghat and Negheribil—disputed border zones in Golaghat district adjoining Nagaland. Here, drone surveys, document verification, and house-to-house inspections by the forest and police departments are in full swing. The impact is evident: many encroachers have begun voluntarily vacating the land, fearing state action.

Yet, the issue is not simply about removing illegal settlers; it’s also about the demographic anxiety that shadows every eviction. On the fourth foundation day of the Gorukhuti Agricultural Project, Sarma warned that, based on demographic data between 1951 and 2024, the Assamese may become a minority in their own land in just ten years. He traced this impending transformation to a century-long trend of aggressive illegal immigration that must be curbed with a prolonged socio-political campaign. The CM’s words resonate deeply in a state that still remembers the Assam Movement of the 1980s, a six-year-long uprising against illegal immigration.

However, these developments are not without controversy. Student organizations visiting Uriamghat found that many encroachers have already been provided with electricity, Anganwadi centres, PM Awas Yojana houses, and paved roads. They are now demanding action against government officials who allegedly aided these encroachments. Alarmingly, some groups have alleged that illegal migrant leaders are in talks with Naga communities to shelter evicted families and exploit them as cheap labour, especially in border areas where Naga-Ahom tensions linger.

The government’s eviction drive has reclaimed over 160 square kilometres (1.19 lakh bighas) of government land since May 2021. Yet, as Sarma admitted, over 8 lakh bighas (2,006.4 sq km) remain encroached. A critical dimension is the reclamation of lands belonging to xattras (Vaishnavite monasteries)—particularly in Barpeta, Nagaon, and Lakhimpur, where 7,040 bighas are under illegal occupation, largely attributed to Congress-era laxity.

The recent eviction in Paikan Reserve Forest (Goalpara) reclaimed 1,040 bighas of ecologically sensitive land. Although most vacated peacefully, on 17 July, post-eviction tensions escalated when forest and police teams were attacked by stone-pelting mobs, leading to injuries to 20 personnel and the death of one individual (Shakuar Hussain) in retaliatory police firing. Days earlier, similar violence erupted in Dhubri district, where encroachers from three Muslim-majority villages resisted with sticks and bricks but were eventually evicted, reclaiming 3,500 bighas for a proposed 3,200 MW thermal plant by Adani Group.

In June, the eviction of over 670 families of Bangladesh origin from Hasila Beel in Goalpara recovered 1,500 bighas, while in Bakrikuchi (Nalbari), over 100 families were evicted to reclaim 100 bighas of grazing land. Many of these settlers had received political patronage during the Congress regime for electoral advantage, as admitted by some evictees on live television.

The evictions have, unsurprisingly, drawn sharp political opposition. Congress leaders Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, and Gaurav Gogoi denounced the drives as inhuman, promising land and houses to evicted families if Congress returns to power in 2026. Sarma, in turn, accused Gandhi of inciting unrest, blaming his speech for the violent attack in Goalpara. The All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and All Assam Minority Students’ Union (AAMSU) staged protests across the state and in New Delhi, terming the operations unconstitutional and anti-Muslim.

Meanwhile, nationalist voices and civil society groups have rallied behind the government’s actions. Wildlife conservationist Soumyadeep Datta and Assam Public Works (APW) praised the move, blaming Congress for past compromises. The Patriotic People’s Front Assam (PPFA) urged the government to compensate eligible evictees but insisted that the larger mission to protect Assam’s land and demographic identity must continue. The PPFA also criticized media outlets for softening the narrative by labelling evictees as “Bengali-origin Muslims” instead of calling out their Bangladesh/East Pakistan origins. They argue that avoiding the truth undermines Assamese people’s right to clarity and justice.

There is also a growing mistrust about land utilisation. A new narrative, pushed by opposition parties and human rights groups, suggests that the government intends to hand over evicted lands to corporates, especially after the Advantage Assam 2.0 initiative. Critics claim that companies like Adani and Ambani will exploit the land, sidelining local interests. They ask: who is more dangerous—the illegal migrants or the corporate giants?

The state, caught between defending its constitutional authority and addressing humanitarian concerns, is walking a razor’s edge. What is undeniable, however, is that the current crisis is the culmination of decades of administrative negligence, vote-bank politics, and failed border management. The demographic anxiety is not imagined. Assam’s cultural fabric, language, and indigenous identity are being fundamentally challenged. Whether this government’s bold actions lead to long-term equilibrium or spark further unrest will depend not only on consistent implementation and transparent communication but also on the political maturity of all stakeholders.

Ultimately, Assam stands at a crossroads. The path ahead demands not just policy enforcement but also civil courage, demographic clarity, and ecological foresight. Only then can the wounds of history be healed without compromising the rights of the land or the dignity of its people.