

Lalit Garg
(The writer can be reached at lalitgarg11@gmail.com)
The new regulations introduced by the Narendra Modi government through the University Grants Commission (UGC), ostensibly in the name of equality in higher education, have once again triggered intense churn in India's educational and social landscape. A policy presented as an instrument of "equity", "equal opportunity", and "inclusive education" quickly became, upon implementation, a source of sharp opposition from a particular section, widespread discontent, and growing social tension. The situation deteriorated to such an extent that the Supreme Court was compelled to intervene and impose an interim stay on these regulations. This judicial pause is not merely a question mark on the government's policy-making process; it also underscores how excessive or imbalanced experimentation in a sensitive domain like education can steer the nation in a troubling direction.
The Supreme Court's intervention should not be viewed as a direct endorsement or rejection of the policy. Rather, it serves as a constitutional caution that regulations enacted in the name of equality-if vague, prone to misuse, and disruptive to social harmony-cannot remain beyond judicial scrutiny. The Court has prima facie observed that the new UGC regulations suffer from a lack of clarity, and it is this very ambiguity that has rendered them controversial. The stay offers the government an opportunity for introspection-an opportunity that should be treated as a chance for correction rather than a political confrontation.
The critical question is this: a government that repeatedly invokes the mantra of "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas" (collective effort, inclusive development, and shared trust), why would it introduce regulations in educational institutions-centres of thought and idea formation-that risk deepening lines of caste identity and class division? India's social history bears testimony to the fact that policies framed around caste, regardless of their welfare-orientated intentions, have often fractured society from within. Reservation, a constitutional provision introduced to ensure social justice, has indeed empowered many, but its prolonged application has also inflicted wounds whose healing remains incomplete. In such a context, any initiative that further accentuates caste-based distinctions in education naturally provokes apprehension. Educational institutions are not factories that merely distribute degrees; they are laboratories that shape the future direction of society. The students nurtured within these campuses are not just future employees but future citizens. If these spaces become arenas of mistrust, class conflict, and mutual suspicion, the impact extends far beyond education-it erodes the very fabric of society. The resistance to the new UGC regulations is a manifestation of this deeper anxiety.
It is equally important to reflect on whether policymakers have adequately grasped the distinction between equality and equity. Equality implies identical treatment for all, whereas equity demands balanced opportunities based on differing circumstances. If, in the name of equity, provisions are introduced that generate a new form of inequality, the policy inevitably strays from its intended purpose. The Supreme Court's observations point precisely to this concern: even if the intent behind the regulations was positive, their structure and language have bred confusion and controversy.
Unfortunately, the issue was soon overshadowed by political overtones. Both supporters and critics began viewing it through the prism of vested interests and vote-bank politics, despite the fact that the core issue was education reform and social balance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself has, on numerous occasions, emphasized that education should be insulated from politics and that policies must be crafted with long-term national interest in mind. It is therefore natural to ask why the UGC regulations appeared to lack that very foresight and balance. It seems the Commission acted in undue haste, implementing the rules without adequate deliberation.
Had the UGC engaged in wider dialogue, consulted all stakeholders, and assessed the potential for misuse in advance, this situation might well have been avoided. Policy-making demands more than mere legal validity; it requires social acceptability and ethical equilibrium. Through its order, the Supreme Court has reiterated that any change in a sensitive sector like education must be preceded by serious contemplation of its far-reaching consequences. The new regulations' most serious flaw-and tragedy-is their positioning of reserved and unreserved categories against each other, which in turn fuels dissent and confrontation. Such a divisive tendency not only pollutes the academic environment but also weakens the very idea of national unity enshrined in our Constitution. Any policy must ultimately be judged by whether it unites society or fragments it. If it fosters mistrust and conflict, reconsideration becomes unavoidable.
The Supreme Court's stay should not be interpreted as a victory for one side or a defeat for another. It is an opportunity for reform-for the government, the UGC, and the entire educational ecosystem. This is the moment to rise above emotions and political compulsions and formulate a policy that genuinely ensures equal opportunity without spawning new divisions. Educational reform must propel society forward, not reopen old wounds. India needs an education policy that places merit above caste, liberates opportunity from identity, and transforms campuses into spaces of dialogue rather than discord. The Supreme Court's intervention is a signal in that direction. It is now the responsibility of the government and the UGC to heed this signal, engage in honest self-reflection, and design regulations that truly align with India's inclusive, balanced, and forward-looking vision. Sacrificing this opportunity for political expediency will not only result in the failure of the policy, but also in the erosion of the public trust in educational reforms.