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Unsafe footpaths in Guwahati
Through your esteemed daily, I wish to highlight the alarming condition of footpaths in Guwahati, particularly in the Dispur and Rukminigaon areas along G.S. Road.
A glaring example is the stretch from Dispur to Reliance Trends. Numerous business establishments on the left side have their access bridges across the Bahini drain. Following directives from GMC/GMDA last year, these bridges were elevated, and additional concrete was laid to support vehicle entry. This has turned parts of the footpath into dangerously steep 45-degree slopes, posing a serious risk to pedestrians—especially the elderly. A few near-accidents have already been reported.
Another hazardous section is from Tulip Hospital to Six Mile. Here, the footpath is uneven, patched with broken slabs, and barely walkable. The opposite stretch, from GNRC Hospital (Six Mile) to Downtown Hospital, is in equally poor shape.
Compounding the issue, ongoing flyover construction in Rukminigaon has further reduced pedestrian safety. Footpaths are frequently blocked by parked vehicles and unauthorised activities, reflecting a clear lack of enforcement and civic sense. It must be emphasized that this situation is not unique to these areas—most footpaths across Guwahati are in a neglected state. The authorities must prioritise pedestrian safety with immediate corrective action before more lives are put at risk.
Prafulla Dowarah
Guwahati
Festival tourism and NE
Assam and other parts of the Northeast region are blessed with abundant natural beauty and colourful festivals, which are not only integrated expressions of rich culture, age-old heritage and peaceful coexistence with nature but also broader tourism potential. Festival tourism is one of the most important areas with the potential to push up the rural economy in the Northeast region. The region has over four hundred different tribes and communities. Each tribe's cultural festivals are basically pre- and post-harvest festivals which combine community festivities of dance, feasting and merrymaking, and their cultural expressions have been inspired by nature and the environment. The April 17 editorial, 'Festival tourism potential in Northeast', has said that when the tourists visit different parts of the region, including Assam, they feel the need for a Common Facility Centre (CFC) in different villages, especially for handlooms and handicrafts, where they get the rare opportunity to experience the expertise of indigenous women weavers' nature-inspired designs and motifs on their traditional attire as well as modern dresses. The vibrant Rangali Bihu festival, for instance, provides the tourist a golden opportunity to experience Muga silk or Eri silk rearing and how cocoons are reeled into yarns by the weavers to weave various handloom and handicraft products through CFCs, which is more important and attractive for them than mere display of these traditional items in an exhibition, organised to promote tourism. Now is the time for the promotion of cultural tourism, which is crucial for making festival tourism sustainable. We can not deny the fact that tourists prefer the real-life experience of living cultural practices of different communities as part of festivals for which they would be always ready to spend money. A one-size-fits-all tourism model, therefore, is not convenient in all places. Instead, communities need to be encouraged to develop their own models of eco-friendly festival tourism and homestay norms to prevent tourists from intruding into their own private spaces and infringing on community cultural codes.
The pivotal role of tourism and other departments as facilitators can not be overstated while the central government is giving a big push to highway, railway, and waterway connectivity in the region. To take festival tourism to its optimum in NE, more thinking, more promotion and better local efforts of different villages in improving service delivery have to happen. A more targeted approach is the only answer, with clarity of thought and long-term planning to make Northeast an attractive festival tourism destination in the country.
Iqbal Saikia,
Guwahati.
Confronting the rising threat from Bangladesh
Recently, the relationship between India and Bangladesh has experienced significant strain, raising concerns about regional stability and security. The ouster of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024 and the subsequent rise of an interim government led by Muhammad Yunus have shifted the dynamics of India-Bangladesh ties. While the two nations have historically shared strong economic and cultural bonds, recent developments, including inflammatory rhetoric, growing extremist activities, and Bangladesh’s pivot toward China, have sparked alarm in New Delhi. India and Bangladesh have enjoyed a relatively stable relationship since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, with India playing a pivotal role in its liberation. Under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, bilateral ties flourished, marked by cooperation in trade, connectivity, and counterterrorism. However, the political upheaval in Bangladesh following Hasina’s exit has introduced uncertainty. The interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, has adopted a less India-centric foreign policy, with statements and actions that have strained relations. One flashpoint was Yunus’s remark during a March 2025 visit to China, where he described Northeast India as “landlocked” and Bangladesh as the “guardian of the ocean” for the region. This was perceived in India as an attempt to assert leverage over access to the Northeast, a strategically sensitive area. The Modi government responded by terminating a transshipment facility that allowed Bangladeshi export cargo to third countries via Indian ports and airports, a move that could disrupt Bangladesh’s trade. This tit-for-tat escalation underscores the deteriorating trust between the two nations.
Beyond diplomatic tensions, India faces tangible security challenges emanating from Bangladesh. The porous 4,096-kilometre border, particularly along West Bengal and the Northeast, has long been a conduit for illegal infiltration, smuggling, and extremist activities. Posts on X highlight concerns about demographic changes in West Bengal due to illegal migration, with some alleging that the network of Islamic fundamentalist organizations and Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) is expanding in Bangladesh. While these claims require verification, they reflect growing unease about border security. The rise of radical elements in Bangladesh is particularly worrisome. After Hasina’s ouster, reports of violence against minorities, especially Hindus, who constitute about 8% of Bangladesh’s population, have surfaced. During a meeting with Yunus in April 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasized India’s concerns about the safety of minorities, urging Dhaka to investigate atrocities thoroughly. However, Bangladesh’s interim government has dismissed these reports as “fake news”, further straining ties. Moreover, Bangladesh’s Jamaat-e-Islami and other extremist groups, allegedly backed by Pakistan’s ISI, are reportedly gaining ground. Sources cited in a CNN-News18 report suggest that operatives of Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) are exploiting Bengal’s porous borders to smuggle arms, funds, and propaganda. The strategic Siliguri Corridor, or “Chicken’s Neck”, which connects mainland India to the Northeast, is particularly vulnerable. Recent reports indicate that India has deployed Rafale jets and S-400 air defence systems in the region in response to increased Chinese and Bangladeshi air manoeuvres near the corridor.
Another dimension of the threat is Bangladesh’s growing alignment with China. During his visit to Beijing, Yunus signed nine bilateral deals on economic cooperation and infrastructure, signalling a strategic shift. His invitation to China to treat Bangladesh as an extension of its economy, potentially using Dhaka as a maritime conduit to India’s Northeast, Nepal, and Bhutan, has raised red flags in New Delhi. This move is seen as part of a broader Sino-Pakistani strategy to encircle India, with Bangladesh emerging as a new theatre of geopolitical contestation. China’s expanding influence in Bangladesh, coupled with Dhaka’s warming ties with Pakistan, complicates India’s regional strategy. The Modi government has responded by strengthening defence capabilities along the border and leveraging diplomatic channels to counterbalance China’s influence. However, the cancellation of the transshipment facility, while a strong signal, risks escalating economic tensions without addressing the root causes of Bangladesh’s pivot.
The Modi government has taken several steps to address these challenges. Diplomatically, Modi has engaged with Yunus, meeting him on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC Summit in Bangkok in April 2025. During the meeting, Modi urged Yunus to avoid rhetoric that “vitiates the environment” and reiterated India’s support for a “democratic, stable, peaceful, progressive, and inclusive Bangladesh”. However, the Bangladeshi side’s focus on grievances, such as the extradition of Hasina and water-sharing disputes, suggests a lack of alignment in priorities. On the security front, India has bolstered its military presence in the Northeast, deploying advanced weaponry to deter potential threats. The government has also tightened border surveillance, though challenges persist due to the terrain and local complicity in smuggling networks. Economically, the termination of the transshipment facility aims to signal India’s displeasure, but it may inadvertently harm bilateral trade, which is heavily skewed in India’s favour.
To address the rising threat from Bangladesh, the Modi government must adopt a balanced strategy that combines diplomacy, security measures, and economic engagement.
As Bangladesh navigates its political transition, India must act decisively to safeguard its interests while fostering a constructive relationship with its neighbour. The stakes are high, and the time for action is now.
Chandan Kumar Nath
Sorbhog, Barpeta