‘Nationalism’ in Assamese society

Ashim Bhuyan

(The writer can be contacted at bhuyanashim@yahoo.com)

After India attained her freedom in 1947, and Assam became a part of the Union of India (rather than East Pakistan), a few events since the late 1950s have marked certain characteristics of the greater Assamese society. In a broad sense, the Assamese society reflects diversities of languages, ethnicity, and cultures among the people of the State. Certain events, including the Language Movement of the 1960s, the Assam Agitation of the late 1970s and the early 1980s, the Bodoland movement especially of the 1990s and the early 2000s as also militancy of various hues since the 1980s to the 2000s, have had profound imprint on the societies in Assam.

Earlier in the nineteenth century, the Britishers had imposed Bengali as the official language of Assam from 1836 to 1873, before Assamese was resurrected as the official language in the Province. Thereafter, owing to the untiring efforts of a few personalities, the Assamese language got back some of its sheen before India’s independence, so as to give enough fillip to the Assamese to be not only a part of India, but also have Assamese as a prominent language in India as also the world, if the number of speakers of the language is to be counted.

These events have had a huge impact in shaping a sense of nationalism, maybe falsely, in the mainstream society in Assam. The agitations and events did have certain degree of fruitful results, which in themselves created a sense of déjà vu among certain sections of the society, and subsequent generations. The inappropriate sense of nationalism got reflected in untoward incidents and led to certain unwanted and unsolicited trials and tribulations. Among other things, these events also got reflected in the behaviour, habits and attitude of multiple generations of the large Assamese society. For clarity, it is emphasized here that the greater Assamese society includes almost everyone residing in Assam for years, and speaking different dialects and languages, from various backgrounds.

Certain cultural traits, projected as a form of nationalism, have also emerged, perhaps, from these painful events of modern Assam, but arguably for wrong reasons. A certain section of the Assamese society and a handsome number among its young generation rejoice and find their identities in these traits.

The ‘macho-ism’ and a ‘group/sub-group’ identity get reflected in different, but not so progressive forms. Forceful ‘chanda’ (or donation) culture is one of these reflections. This culture is present in almost all parts of the State, but prominent in certain locations, perpetuated and encouraged by certain ‘leaders’: political, apolitical(?) or otherwise. These are also extortion rackets running parallel to the system, and many ‘legal’ entities get benefitted by these rackets, apart from those who are directly involved in such activities. These are unaccounted for income generation schemes for easy money.

In many places, ‘flying squads’ are out on a daily basis looking for opportunities in different directions in the areas assigned to them. ‘Toll gates’ were great sources of unaccounted-for income; scopes of which have got reduced to some degree, of late. However, the same people earlier involved in the ‘toll gate’ collections are now engaged in opportunities elsewhere. Many public figures have themselves got embroiled into this vicious circus, and are unable to get out of the circle now. Even leading public sector and government entities are forced to make donation to minimize the ruckus created by many trouble-makers. Many organizations are party to such organized loot, in the name of ‘nationalism’.

Quite a number of bandhs, blockades, and such other forms of agitation, happen in Assam; more so, before or during election time; and these also give an indirect indication of opportunism by different sections, having no real ideal or commitment towards any issue. Even otherwise, the number of organizations and sub-organizations involved in these not-so-productive events are uncountable.

Protests and debates are part of democracy, more so in a country like India. However, these instruments of democratic ‘visibility’ or ‘showmanship’ have a different level of thought and action process. Every now and then, different organizations crop up and multiply, in the name of ‘nationalism’ or ‘sub-nationalism’ or otherwise, and display their power of bringing a town or an area to inactivity, and also achieve their few moments of media glory. Most of these organizations start as apolitical ones, but the active members or so-called ‘leaders’ change their colours like chameleons once their initial purposes are served and their activities are noticed.

These have become more pronounced in the recent times. Unfortunately, these trends are having an irreversible impact, and certain sections are piling-on these, with more joining the bandwagon. In the name of nationalism, it is ‘dadagiri’, or more appropriately hooliganism, that has spread its tentacles, mostly for wrong reasons.

There were quite a few organizations that were earlier espousing the cause of the Assamese identity, culture, language, practices, habits, etc. Most of them have decayed, and these are now poor replica of the original ideals that they seem to propagate earlier. As a society or group, it is poorly reflected on the rare few imprints of excellence that the Assamese society has been able to produce to the world.

Easy money, lavish lifestyle, lackadaisical attitude coupled with averseness to hard work, sincerity, honesty as well as discipline has become all-pervasive. In almost all measurable areas of performance, the Assamese society has fallen behind the rest of the country, though there do exist islands of excellence in Rima Das, Ankushita Boro, Hima Das cropping up, off and on. Very few from Assam are able to make it to civil services, IITs, IIMs, and crack other competitive examinations for banks and other public sector organizations.

It may sound critical, but many recruitment drives meant for this part of the country are filled-up by those from other parts, not because of partisan attitude, but due to the lack of ability and the inadequate level of preparedness of candidates of this region.

Further, one would never notice a local youth working as a cobbler, or manning a hair-cutting salon or cloth-ironing shop. However, the exception is Aizawl — the capital city of Mizoram — where many locals have taken up such works.

On the other hand, most of prominent white-collar jobs, in the public as well as in the private sector, are manned by those from other parts of the country. Our representation in the defence or paramilitary forces is quite insignificant, especially in the officers’ cadre.

It is also quite painful to notice, primarily because of a typical inferiority complex, many adopting the ‘Hindu gotra’ as surnames such as Bhargava, Garg, etc.

The influence and supremacy of the political class is all too pervasive in the present times, with individuals, groups, and the society, at large, seemingly dependent on freebies, in one form or the other.

This is in stark contrast to the Assamese society of the yore, when societal initiatives and activities were dominant in the political and other spheres, because this land was able to produce men of calibre having principled commitment to the society.

Individually and collectively, at homes and in families, in groups and communities, the Assamese society should reflect and act so that prominence of the community and the societal life and outlook assume dominant positions. It should ultimately influence and direct the political class, political life and discourse as well.

(The views expressed are entirely of the writer)