Gendra Galla Narzinary
(The writer can be reached at ggnarzinary@gmail.com)
The Assam State Election Commission (ASEC) has announced recently the schedule of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) election for Members of Council Legislative Assembly (MCLA) as the third General Council is coming to an end in April this year. The last date of nominations for the election in 40 constituencies is fixed on 18th March. The date of polling is slated on forthcoming 4th April and the counting of which will be done on 8th April. The scrutiny of nominations, withdrawal of candidatures if any and publication of list of final contesting candidates will be done in between 19th and 21st March.
It is high time the electorates vented their anger over the irresponsible politicians and governments through the power of ballot in the fourth BTC election 2020. They have freedom of choice and will be choosing ones whom they think capable of delivering development pie. As a matter of fact, many political parties will vie themselves to rule the contiguous four districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri together what is called Bodoland Territorial Areas Districts (BTAD) within Assam. Even those who hitherto opposed its creation now will vie for people’s mandate to rule it. This is the democracy whereby propose and oppose help to protect the people’s fundamental interest which is one of the intrinsic values of a vibrant democracy. This election will be interesting as it will picturize the preview of the 2021 Assembly election and 2023 general election in the State.
The election will define the fate of political parties to form the autonomous government that in turn defines the much-desired future development in this politico-administrative unit. Parties like Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) and Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) can check their acid-test post-Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 (CCA) that caused an anti-incumbency syndrome in the political landscape of Assam. Most importantly it will see tough fight between the relatively nascent United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL) that garnered vibrancy recently and BPF which has almost 15 years of political career in its credit and thereby setting political equation of the Bodo politics anew in the State.
The BPF has been a defender since its formation in Assamese politics in Dispur. Though the party has been in power in BTC since 2003, it failed to transform this hitherto troubled periphery into a model administrative unit. However, it has some scores in infrastructure sector. Another weak point is that its alliance partner BJP in Dispur will be fighting alone.
The Bodo politics that was earlier clubbed in tribal politics has long history of its existence. In pre-independence period, Assam Tribal League was formed in 1933 and was even the part of the then Gopinath Bordoloi-led Congress government in Assam. However, in post-independent period it merged with the Congress on the pretext that government would protect the tribal land through the Assam Land and Revenue Regulation 1886. In later periods, however, the Bodo leaders felt the political vacuum and anti-tribal policies in the State that ultimately culminated the formation of Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA) in 1966. This party had pan-Assam presence stretching from Kokrajhar up to Jonai, which is now eastern most sub-division of Dhemaji district. However, the party was left dilapidated due to its incapable of realizing the dream of separate Udayachal state it vowed to create on the northern bank of the mighty river Brahmaputra. The 1980s and 1990s periods largely remained as the voluminous chanting and picketing for the creation of separate Bodoland state. Meanwhile, insurgency aimed at creating separate homeland arrived at its peak point. Those were the periods where the tribal brethren slowly deviated from the Bodo politics the reason of which may be self assertion of identity politics.
Another wave of Bodo politics came into being post-Bodo peace accord signed in 2003 leading to the creation of BTC. That peace wave led the formation of Bodoland People’s Progressive Front (BPPF), a much hoped regional political party formed in 2005 to vie for the people’s mandate to rule BTC and to look after the multi-faceted problems it possesses. But unfortunately this party suffered a vertical split into BPPF led by Rabiram Narzary, former All Bodo Students’ Union leader and BPPF led by Hagrama Mohilary that later became BPF dominating the Bodo politics. The idea of splitting was basically due to the need of opposition to ruling party to make BTC vibrant. However, it brought a huge setback in Bodo society. But interestingly, BPPF merged up with BPF in 2016 after Narzary won in third BTC election in 2015. Prior to his merger plan, an umbrella body of political and non-political organizations by the name People’s Coordination for Democratic Rights (PCDR) was formed to fight third BTC election in 2015 in which Narzary himself was in top brass of the said organization. Ex-ABSU leader and former Rajya Sabha MP Urkhao Gwra Brahma who was once a core member of BPPF, however, kept himself outside the Narzary’s merger plan. In fact, PCDR showed impressive result wining in 7 seats in its first-ever election competition whereas BPF won 20 seats losing 11 from its previous tally of 2010. PCDR eventually got renamed UPPL under the presidentship of Brahma in 2016. Thereafter, it moved in snail pace to gain its presence and popularity. So the idea of having potential alternative did not die at the end of the day.
The third Bodo accord signed in 27th January last with the Central government and the Bodo groups including all factions of National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) and ABSU brought a new wave in Bodo politics. Now disbanded NDFB did not form new political party but they joined either in UPPL or BPF at their own choice. Post-signing of accord, genteel Promod Boro who was one of signatories representing ABSU exited from the students’ union after over 11 years of service he gave to the Bodo society. He joined into the UPPL as working president but within a week he was assigned the presidentship of the party. Post his joining into UPPL, several members of other political parties including rival BPF joined into the party thereby making it inclusive party hoping for inclusive development. Boro who always talked about initiating the confidence building measures among the distinct communities while he was in ABSU is one of the charismatic student leaders ABSU has ever produced after the Bodofa Upendra Nath Brahma.
The current composition of BTC council is termed as the weak ‘shared-rule’ model of autonomy by many academicians without defining what ‘weak’ amounts to. Out of 40 seats, 30 seats are reserved for scheduled tribes (STs), 5 for non-tribals and 5 for open to all communities. Again, 6 more are nominated from unrepresented communities. It is known fact that STs do not solely confine to the Bodos only. There are many STs in BTC who are not the Bodos. Therefore, it is easily understood that weak ‘shared-rule’ in power sharing is based on wrong premise of distorted reporting of ‘Boro’ (Bodo) and ‘Oboro’ (non-Bodo) dichotomy that led the huge polarization in last two general elections. The Bodo political parties can prove that BTC can be an example of strongly ‘shared-rule’ model of autonomy by nominating more non-Bodo political leaders and inducting them in ministry post victory of election. Reality is: how many Bodos or non-Bodos get elected or how they share the power is not a matter, how the elected party or the chief of BTC is ruling or will be ruling is the matter of concern.
People expect that coming BTC election will be conducted in free and fair manner what ASEC is trying to accomplish it. As election campaigning is going on, the Bodo leaders should refrain from the personal attacks by using foul languages on each other. Such attacks do not pay in terms of ballot, the creative and constructive criticism do. This is the opportunity that the Bodo leaders can grow to become the statesmen someday.